Hysterokinetic and neuter proterokinetic paradigms can also be modeled without difficulty, the latter by assuming a dominant unaccented nom./acc. *dhéĝh-om- ~ *dhĝh-m- ́ ‘earth’), but accented in acrostatic paradigms (e.g. *h2ént- ~ *h2n̥t- ́ ‘front, face’) and amphikinetic paradigms (e.g. It is shown that root nouns can be straightforwardly modeled, as well as acrostatic and amphikinetic inflection: the strong and weak case endings are underlyingly unaccented and accented, respectively, and the root is unaccented in root nouns of the standard type (e.g. This paper applies “metrical grid theory” as developed by Halle and Idsardi to the standardly reconstructed accent-ablaut paradigms of PIE. Hittite and the other Anatolian languages are not traditionally viewed as important sources for the reconstruction of this system however, I contend that the BAP is reconstructible for PIE and that - against this traditional view - this reconstruction depends crucially on the Anatolian evidence, which converges with Vedic Sanskrit in this respect. Finally, this dissertation addresses the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European (PIE) word-prosodic system. I propose that accentual dominance in Hittite is a consequence of morphological headedness: the lexical accent of the word’s head morpheme is privileged in Hittite, just as Revithiadou (1999) has argued for other lexical accent systems. Having established that stress assignment in Hittite inflection is governed by the BAP, I also adduce evidence for accentual dominance - i.e., morphemes whose accentual specification “overrides” the BAP. The analysis of Hittite stress advanced in this dissertation is the first systematic attempt at a synchronic generative treatment of its word stress patterns. Second, Cupeño provides a clear typological parallel for the ancient IE languages on the basis of which the BAP was posited - in particular, Vedic Sanskrit - as well as for Hittite, where I argue that it is also operative. First, without support from Cupeño, root faithfulness may be unattested as a feature of lexical accent systems. Thus reanalyzed, Cupeño has two important typological implications. I show that the BAP analysis is both simpler and attains greater empirical coverage than the root faithfulness analysis, which fails to account for certain attested stress patterns that are captured under the BAP analysis. This analysis is compared to that of Alderete (2001), who argues that Cupeño shows accentual root faithfulness - i.e., that the accentual properties of roots are privileged over non-root morphemes. I argue that stress assignment in Cupeño is governed by the BASIC ACCENTUATION PRINCIPLE (BAP Kiparsky and Halle 1977): stress is assigned to the leftmost lexically accented morpheme, else to the word’s left edge.
This dissertation develops optimality-theoretic analyses of word-level stress assignment in two languages with lexical accent, Cupeño (Takic, Uto-Aztecan) and Hittite (Anatolian, Indo-European) it also assesses the implications of word stress in Hittite and the other Anatolian languages for the reconstruction of stress assignment in Proto-Indo European.
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